Twin-engine Military Transport and Cargo Aircraft with a Crew of Three

Figure 1: The Cheeky Charley in Hawaii, in Military Camouflage Source: www.oldprops.ukhome.net

• The C-47 “Gooney Bird” was a military version of the Douglas DC-3, which entered service in 1936. The DC-3 is one of the most important transport aircraft of all time.
• More than 16,000 civilian and military versions of the DC-3 were built.
• C-47s could carry 28 passengers or 6,000 pounds of cargo, at a cruising speed of 160 mph, over a range of up to 1,600 miles. Civilian DC-3s normally served 21 passengers in seven rows of seats, with two on one side an isle and one on the other.
• C-47s were used everywhere in World War II. They hopped among in the Pacific to fly long distances. They also flew supplies “over the hump” from India to China.
• After World War II, most C-47s and other military variants were sold as surplus to airlines, making the DC-3 dominant for short and medium routes for decades afterward.
• In Vietnam, some C-47s were converted into AC-47 “Spooky” gunships. Each Spooky had three 6-barrel 7.62 mm miniguns that fired out the side of the aircraft. Each minigun could fire up to 6,000 RPM or 4,000 RPM, depending on the model. Spookies flew pylon turns around ground targets.
• Our aircraft served in the Pacific from 1943 to 1945. One of its names was “Cheeky Charley.” Afterward, it was used by a series of Australian airlines. When used by the Australian National Airlines, it was called “Tarrana” (Kangaroo). In 1972, Charley flew to Hawaii to handle commercial cargo service. While here, it had cameo roles in two movies—Pearl Harbor and Outbreak. During its time at Genavaco Corporation, it was used for interisland cargo operations in 1976. Genevaco called her “Tyranna.”
• By the end of its war service, this aircraft had flown a little over 3,000 hours. By the end of her civilian life, this was  55,000 hours. In April 2012, Charley was towed from the Honolulu International Airport to its new home, Pacific Aviation Museum on Ford Island in Pearl Harbor.

The Boeing website states that that the Douglas DC-3 “is universally recognized as the greatest airplane of its time. Some would say that it is the greatest of all time.”[1] Certainly there is no doubt that passenger versions of the DC-3 introduced new levels of speed, comfort, and range. Beginning in 1936, DC-3s carried people across the U.S. continent with “only” three refueling stops and in less than 18 hours. When World War II became imminent, production shifted to military versions. The main USAAF variant was the C-47 Skytrain, which the British Commonwealth called the Dakota. Over 16,000 civilian and military versions of the DC-3 were built, including 607 civilian DC-3s, over 10,000 C-47s and other U.S. military variants, almost 5,000 Lisunov Li-2 in the USSR, and even 487 Showa L2Ds with Mitsubishi Kinsei engines in Japan.

Figure 2: Japanese Showa L2D Source: Wikipedia, Showa/Nakajima L2D

Douglas introduced its DC-2 in 1932, with encouragement from TWA. (Only a single DC-1 prototype was built). The DC-2 could carry 14 passengers or 3,600 pounds of cargo. In comparison, the competing Boeing 247 could only carry 10 passengers. Figure 3 shows that the Douglas DC-2 and DC-3 shared a strong family resemblance.

Figure 3: Douglas DC-2 Source: Wikipedia, Douglas DC-2

Surprisingly, the DC-3 almost did not get built. American Airlines pushed Douglas to produce a larger aircraft that could carry more passengers and have sleeper berths. Douglas was reluctant to do so given the success of the DC-2 and uncertainty about the commercial viability of a larger aircraft. However, Douglas relented when American guaranteed an order for 20 of the aircraft. This became the Douglas Sleeper Transport.

Figure 4: Douglas Sleeper Transport Source: California State College

Douglas then extended this design to be the iconic DC-3, which carried 21 passengers with traditional seating in 7 rows of 3. A legend was born.

Figure 5: DC-3 Seating Source: California State College

Figure 6: DC-3 Cockpit Source: Paul Phelan, Aviation Advertiser.

Today, we think of the DC-3 as a relic. When it came out, however, it was the latest and greatest thing in passenger speed, comfort, and range. A Douglas advertisement placed a DC-3 by a Cord Speedster to show their similar lines and to emphasize the new airplane’s performance.

Figure 7: Douglas DC-3 and Cord Speedster Source: Boeing

Figure 8: Norwegian Douglas DC-3 at the Duxford Air Show, 2007 Source: Ray@Panko.com

From its introduction in 1936, the DC-3 revolutionized the air transport industry. It was an advanced design with multi-cellular wings and an autopilot. Its innovative design won the Collier Trophy that year. The president of American Airlines said that the DC-3 was the first airliner that was profitable with passenger carriage alone, without government subsidies. Other airlines were quickly sold on the $160,000 DC-3 as well. By the beginning of 1939, an astounding 90% of the world’s passengers were flying on DC-2s or DC-3s.

As war came closer, the USAAF began to take over DC-3s originally destined for the airlines. The first of these military DC-3s was the C-53 Skytrooper, which was little-changed from the DC-3. It was designed to carry 28 paratroopers into combat.

Figure 9: Paratroopers U.S. Library of Congress, fsa.8e0022.

Figure 10: Paratroopers Deploying Source: Imperial War Museum, 4700-30 BU 1162.

The C-53 was also designed to tow gliders. Normally, the glider would trail the aircraft at take-off.

Figure 11: C-47 Taking Off, Towing a Glider Source: Imperial War Museum, 4700-06 EA 37974.

For field recovery, the C-53 would snag a tow line, yanking the glider into the air. It was even possible to tow a pair of gliders.

Figure 12: Retrieving a Glider U.S. National Archives, 342-FH-3A20143-82467AC

Given the cargo limitations of the C-53, the USAAF purchased only about 380 Skytroopers. Then production began on the improved C-47 Skytrains. Douglas built more than 10,000 C-47s. However, the first C-47 did not fly until just after the Pearl Harbor attack, so civilian DC-3s and C-53s had to hold the line until massive numbers of C-47s began to appear.

Figure 13: C-47s in Flight Source: U.S Air Force Photo

Compared to DC-3s and C-53s, C-47s had strengthened floors for carrying cargo and stronger landing gears. However, their most visible feature was their double-wide doors designed to facilitate cargo loading and unloading. It was even possible to push a ramp up to the door and drive a jeep inside.

Figure 14: C-47s and R4Ds in the Berlin Airlift Source: U.S. Navy National Museum of Naval Aviation

Figure 15: Driving a Jeep into a C-47 Source: USAAF Photograph at Lonesentry.com

More versatile than the C-53, the C-47 quickly became the standard model, even taking over paratroop insertion. Soon, the C-47 “Gooney Birds” were everywhere in the war. They were especially important in the Pacific, where they island-hopped to fly very long missions. They especially also critical in moving supplies “Over the Hump” from India to China after Burma fell.

For wounded soldiers, its ability to do medical evacuation was literally a life saver. The situation inside was crude by modern standards, but the C-47 was the only option in most theaters.

Figure 16: Medical Evacuation Source: United States Army Air Forces

The Navy version of the C-47 was the RD4. In the World War II Navy designation system, R stood more-or-less for transport, and 4D indicated that this was the fourth transport aircraft from Douglas.

Figure 17: Navy R4D Source: United Kingdom, public domain.

After the war, the armed forces dumped most of their C-47s and other military versions of the DC-3 on the civilian market. Airlines quickly converted this flood of aircraft into civilian cargo and passenger airplanes. Although DC-3s lacked the range of the new four-engine civilian aircraft that were becoming popular for longer flights, their extremely low cost, high reliability, and ability to land everywhere made them a natural for almost everything else. DC-3s dominated the civilian aircraft market for many years, and the aircraft’s lifespan was lengthened by such extensions as turbofan engines. Quite a few DC-3s are still in use.

Although the Air Force reduced its C-47 inventory after World War II, it continued to use Gooney Birds heavily. In Vietnam, in addition to C-47s providing passenger and cargo services, EC-47s took on electronic warfare tasks. They quickly became known as the “Electric Gooneys.”

More dramatically, the C-47s were finally given guns and redesignated AC-47s. Three six-barrel 7.62 mm General Electric miniguns would fire out the left side of the aircraft. One fired through the open door, the other two through windows. These AC-47s were called Spookies or Dragons (after Puff the Magic Dragon).

Figure 18: AC-47 Gunship with Its Three Miniguns Visible Source: Marine Aviation Museum

In action, the C-47 flew a pylon circle on the targets. Initially able to fire up to 6,000 rounds per minute from each minigun (later up to 4,000 rounds per minute to conserve ammunition), the AC-47s could fire a devastating volume of bullets into any target that lacked strong anti-aircraft defenses. The pilot was the actual gunner, controlling the weapons through a button on the control yoke and using a camera viewfinder attached to the left window to aim the gunfire. AC-47s were soon joined by the much more powerful and more heavily armed AC-130 gunships.

Figure 19: AC-47 Gunship Pass Source: Marine Aviation Museum

Figure 20: AC-47 Gunship in Pylon Turn Source: Marine Aviation Museum

Our C-47, which was called Cheeky Charley during its World War II career, had a distinguished service record in the Pacific. Afterward, it operated in Australia until 1972, when it was transferred to Hawaii. It came to Pacific Aviation Museum in April, 2012. It’s service life exceeded 50,000 flight hours.

Our C-47 was completed at the Douglas Long Beach Plant in October 1943.

It was built as a C-47-A-65-DL.

Douglas serial number was 18949.

USAAF serial number was 42-100486.

Delivered to the 5^th Air Force at Brisbane on December 12, 1943.

Operated by 40^th TCS as “Cheeky Charley” with nose number 32.

Also operated by the 6^th TCS, the 67^th TCS, and the 68^th TCS.

1945

Withdrawn and transferred to the U.S. Foreign Disposals Commission in 1945, with 3,012 flight hours.

Converted to DC-3A with seating for 21 passengers.

Given Australian Aircraft Registry number VH-ANX.

Registered to Australian National Airlines, with the name “Tarrana” (Kangaroo).

Served with other airlines during its time in Australia.

Converted to freighter configuration in 1970.

Flown to Hawaii in 1972.

Purchased by Inter Island Transfer, which carried outsized tourist luggage to resorts.

Received U.S. civilian serial number N99131.

Leased to Genavaco Corp. for cargo operations in 1976. Named the “Tyranna”

Flown by Aloha Airlines on its 40^th anniversary in April 1998. (Having flown more than 51,000 by that date.)

Arrived at Pacific Aviation Museum in April 2012, with 55,000 flight hours.

Source: Francillon (1979).

Note: All links last visited in April, 2012.

Arizonawrecks.com, Douglas C-53B Skytrooper.

Aussieairliners.org. H-ANX. Douglas C-47A-65-DL. c/n 18949, http://www.aussieairliners.org/dc-3/vh-anx/vhanx.html

Boeing, DC-2 Civilian Transport, http://www.boeing.com/history/mdc/dc-2.htm

Boeing, DC-3 Civilian Transport, http://www.boeing.com/history/mdc/dc-3.htm

Boeing, Skytrain Military Transport, http://www.boeing.com/history/mdc/skytrain.htm

Centennial of Flight Commission, The Douglas DC-3, http://www.centennialofflight.gov/essay/Aerospace/DC-3/Aero29.htm

Coates, Ed, VH-ANX “Tarrana,” http://www.edcoatescollection.com/ac1/austa2/ANA Fleet/VH-ANX.html

DC-3 Aviation Museum, Gene E. Guthrie Collection. http://www.dc3museum.org/content/gallery/Gallery/Gene+E+Guthrie+Collection

Francillon, Rene J. (1979) McDonald Douglas Aircraft since 1920, London: Putnam.

Gunston, Bill (1980) The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Propeller Airliners, New York: Exeter Books.

Marine Aviation Museum, dba Vietnam War Flight Museum, Douglas AC-47 “Spooky,” http://vietnamwarflight.com/aircraft/spooky.shtml

Mutza, Wayne (2009). Gunships: The Story of Spooky, Shadow, Stinger, and Spectre, North Branch, Minnesota: Specialty Press.

Wikipedia, Douglas AC-47 Spooky.

Wikipedia, Douglas C-47 Skytrain.

Wikipedia, Douglas DC-2.

Wikipedia, Douglas DC-3.

Ray@Panko.com

When American pilots first encountered the Zero, they were stunned. The Zero had nearly complete initial dominance. This dominance is sometimes attributed to the A6M’s high speed. In reality, however, the Zero was rather modest in straight-line speed, with a maximum speed for the A6M2 Model 21 of about 317 mph to 332 mph at the critical altitude of about 16,000 feet. In addition, the Zero was not very good in dives and had severe maneuverability limitations at speeds above about 180 mph. The Zero’s great strengths were really its maneuverability at moderate speed, its incredible combat range, (arguably) its cannon armament, and, at the start of the war with the United States, its combat-experienced pilots.

Rated Speeds in General

For aircraft, the “top speed” is measured at the aircraft’s “critical altitude”—the altitude at which level speed is maximum at full military power. (Military power is the highest power an engine can produce on a sustained basis.) At lower altitudes, air denseness creates more air resistance, slowing the aircraft. At higher altitude, the thinner air keeps the aircraft engine from performing at full power. Sometimes, manufactures also provide a military power speed at Sea Level and occasionally at several altitudes.

Of course, if an attacker is higher than the target, the attacker can gain speed in a dive. In turn, if an attacker has to climb to reach its target, it will be flying slower. Nevertheless, an aircraft’s maximum speed at its critical altitude is the most common single metric for an aircraft’s “speed.”

The Model 21 at Pearl Harbor and the Philippines

The Zero was officially the Type 0 Aircraft Carrier Fighter.[1] This base designation was followed by a model number. The first model was Model 11, meaning that it was the first major version of the fuselage and engine. It had fixed wing tips. After 66 aircraft were built, folding wing tips were added to permit more Zeros to fit on aircraft carriers.[2] This second model was the Model 21, to indicate a different fuselage. The Model 21 was used almost exclusively in the first year of the war.

The Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN) also had a short designation for its aircraft. The Zero was the A6M, meaning that it was a carrier fighter (A) designed by Mitsubishi (M). The six meant that it was the sixth carrier fighter from Mitsubishi. The prototype version was the A6M1. The first production models (the Models 11 and 21) were designated as A6M2s.

The Zero’s designer, Jiro Horikoshi, reported speeds for several versions of the Zero—but not for the A6M2 Model 21 or 22. For example, he noted that the prototype had a requirement to fly at 500 km/h (311 mph) at 4,000 meters.[3] He also noted that the A6M1 prototype, using the Mitsubishi Zuisei Type 13 of 850 hp, reached a maximum speed for 480 km/h. However, after atmospheric conditions were taken into account, it had a corrected speed of 508 km/h (316 mph).[4]

Hirokoshi then noted that the more powerful Sakae 12 was placed in the third test aircraft, which became the A6M2.[5] However, he did not mention the speed of this improved version. Presumably, it was faster, but by how much?

To figure that out, we need to do some calculations. Horikoshi did note that the later A6M5, which had a rated speed of 565 km/h (351 mph), was 20 km/h faster than the A6M3.[6] So the A6M3 would have a speed of 545 km/h or 339 mph. He also noted that the A6M3 was a disappointment, being only 10 km/h faster than the A6M2. This would mean that the A6M2’s speed was about 535 km/h or 332 mph.

Fortunately, these tortured calculations are not the only basis for judging the Model 21’s speed. In a 1941 contest, Japan flew the Zero against various other Japanese fighters. The Zero’s speed was recorded as 530 km/h (329 mph or 286 kts). It is not known how heavily the Zero was loaded for this contest.

Another flight test source is the U.S. Intelligence Service[7] report on a crashed and restored Model 21 in late 1942. This aircraft had been flown by Flight Petty Officer Tadayoshi Koga. Koga crashed in Alaska on June 4, 1942, although tests on the aircraft did not begin until late 1942.

Figure 2: Koga's Zero (Source: USAAF photographs)

Flight tests on Koga’s Zero gave the results shown in Figure 3. The maximum speed was 326 mph at 16,000 feet.

Figure 3: Tests of a Captured A6M2 Model 21

Altitude	Maximum Speed
Sea Level	270 mph
10,000 ft.	305 mph
16,000 ft.	326 mph
25,000 ft.	315 mph

Dunn[8] has taken exception to these test numbers. He noted that the Zero was not in optimum condition. He also noted that the Navy’s full Technical Aviation Brief #3, on which the information in the briefer Intelligence Service Report was based, listed different speeds from different tests, with some speeds 7 to 10 mph faster than those shown in Figure 3. (Presumably, some speeds were lower.) He also noted that Technical Air Intelligence Service summaries after Technical Aviation Brief #3 often attributed a higher maximum speed of 328 mph, indicating that this speed came from flight tests. The source of this flight test data was not indicated in these subsequent summaries, but the difference between 326 mph and 328 mph seems to be too small raise concerns.

A number of websites list (without citation) a speed of about 331 or 332 mph for the Model 21. Often this speed is listed at the critical altitude of around 4500 m or 15,000 feet. Three major books on the Zero also list this speed without citation. Mikesh[9] lists the speed of the Zeke 21 as 287 kts (331 mph) on page 97. However, in his detailed description of Zero flight data, he lists and cites the U.S. Intelligence Service data. Jackson[10] also lists the speed of the A6M2 as 534 km/h (332 mph) at 4500 m (14,930 ft) without citation. Gunston’s[11] book provides the only specific information on the source of this speed. It says that the 332 mph speed (534 km/hr) is for the third example of the A6M2 (the one in which the larger engine was introduced). But the book also fails to indicate the source of this statement. It may be that whoever created the uncited 331 mph speed estimate went through the same calculations we did earlier in this paper based on Horikoshi’s book and got the same results.

So far, everything has fallen into the narrow range between 326 mph and 332 mph. However, the last source we have is Saburo Sakai, who was Japan’s top surviving ace. Sakai described his battle with a Hellcat in 1943. [12] This would have taken place in an A6M2 or a slightly faster A6M3. In his book, he reported a normal top speed of only 317 mph (275 kts). This is not surprising, because combat aircraft normally are not as tweaked as test aircraft.

Sakai also noted that the Zero’s engine had an emergency overboost, which got it to 345 mph.[13] In fact, most World War II fighters had emergency overboost that could be used for a few minutes in combat. Normal maximum power was usually called military power, while overboost was often called war emergency power. For example, the P-40E had a rated military power of 1,150 hp at 44.6 inches of supercharger pressure; its war emergency power was 1,490 hp at 56 inches of pressure. Resorting to overboost was an extreme measure because using it for more than a few minutes would destroy the engine, so top speeds are always quoted based on military power.[14]

Overall, then, the top documented speed of the A6M2 Model 21 seems to be about 317 mph to 332 mph at about 16,000 feet, with an overboost speed of about 345 mph. The latter speed, by the way, was the maximum speed on the Zero’s air speed indicator.[15]^,[16]

As the war progressed, Zeros did not become much faster. According to Horikoshi, the A6M5, the last major variant, was only about 20 mph faster than the original production Zeros. In fact, when the U.S. Navy tested a captured A6M5 Model 52, the latter’s top speed was only 335 mph at 18,000 feet.[17] This was only nine miles per hour faster than Koga’s Zero.

Hirokoshi noted that “Even the best fighters become obsolete within two years during times of war.”[18] He began to design a replacement, the A7M Reppu, in 1940.[19] However, he did not succeed until it was too late to put the new aircraft into production.[20] As he noted, Japan had a shortage of engineering manpower that took Japan twice as much time to design a new airplane or redesign an old airplane.[21]

Comparing the Zero to Allied Fighters in 1942

So the Zero’s maximum speed at the start of the war was about 317 mph to 331 mph, with tests being on the higher side. How fast was this compared to U.S., British, and German aircraft? Figure 4 shows some comparative data for aircraft that would have been in combat in 1942. An attempt was made to use good sources, but the numbers shown are not always reliable. The goal is to give a rough but probably accurate picture of relative speeds. Note that this was two years after the Battle of Britain, so we are not concerned with the earliest models of most European aircraft. This table has several judgment calls. Nevertheless, the pattern is clear.

Figure 4: Aircraft Speeds in 1942

Aircraft	At Altitude	Altitude	Source
FW 190 A-3[22]	304 mph 326 mph 315 mph 375 mph 351 mph	Sea Level 4,500 ft 8,000 ft 18,000 ft. (full blower) 25,000 ft. (full blower)	UK Air Technical Section report on a captured aircraft. Air Ministry A.I.2(g) Report No. 2092.
Bf 109	305 mph 326 mph 325 mph 375 mph 351 mph	Sea Level 4,500 ft 11,000 ft 18,000 ft 25,000 ft	UK Air Technical Section report on a captured aircraft. Air Ministry A.I.2(g) Report No. 2092.
Spitfire V[23]	375 mph	20,000 ft	Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscomb Down, April 1941.
P-40B/C[24]	340 mph		Ford, 2007.
P-40E	355 mph	15,000 ft	Molesworth, 2008.
F4F-3	331 mph	21,000 ft.	Board of Inspection and Survey, 1941.
A6M2 Zero Model 21	317 mph to 332 mph	16,000 ft.	This Paper
Hawker Hurricane II[25]	303 mph 330 mph	15,000 25,000	Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscomb Down, October 1941.
F4F-4	319 mph	19,400 ft	Board of Inspection and Survey, 1941.
Ki.43-1c[26]	304 mph	13,123	Buschel, 1995.

In terms of U.S. aircraft in the Pacific, the Zero was markedly slower than the P-40. However, the P-40 was heavy and only had a single-stage supercharger. This limited to combat below about 16,000 feet. The Zero could fly higher and used this height advantage to dive and gain superior speed. The F4F-3 used at Coral Sea was about the same speed as the Zero, while the F4F-4 used at Midway and later substantially slower.

The table unfortunately only shows speeds at a single altitude or a few altitudes for each plane. When discussing relative speed, it is desirable to do so at many different altitudes for the various aircraft used in the comparisons.

Climbing and Diving

In addition to straight-line speed, pilots want to be able to climb and dive rapidly if there is an attacker moving into position to shoot. Tests of the captured Zero showed that Zero was not impressive in a dive. It could dive about as fast as an F4F Wildcat, but its dive was much slower than other aircraft. [27] Although technical problems prevented the P-40 Warhawk from being tested against the Zero, pilots quickly discovered in early combat that the P-40 could dive much faster than the Zero. In fact, we know that early Zero models had wings that could rip off in overly-rapid dives.[28] Testing also showed that when a Zero dove quickly, its engine would cut out briefly, giving the target a little time to accelerate downward before the Zero began its dive.[29] Also, once into a fast dive, the Zero’s controls became extremely heavy, and there was strong tail buffeting.[30]

Tests of the captured Zero also showed that while the Zero climbed better than U.S. aircraft, its sustained climb rate was not remarkably faster than U.S. aircraft.[31] Although it was much lighter, its engine was also less powerful.

However, the Zero was far better at U.S. aircraft at “zoom,” which is initial climb if the pilot pulls back on the control stick. The Zero could practically stand on its tail in a zoom, and in many cases, it could do a full loop and get on the tail of an attacker. Heavier U.S. aircraft had little if any zoom capability.

Reduced Maneuverability at High Speed

Although the A6M2 Model 21 Zero could fly at 317 mph to 331 mph, it was not very maneuverable at its highest speeds. The Zero’s great maneuverability was due mainly to its low weight and extremely large ailerons. Ailerons roll an aircraft from left to right or right to left. Once the roll is completed, the wings pull the aircraft around in a turn. If an aircraft cannot roll rapidly, its ability to survive in air combat is limited.

The Zero’s ailerons gave great maneuverability at low speeds, but as speed increased, these big ailerons became extremely heavy. The Intelligence Services’ evaluation of the Zero led to the advice that American aircraft should only engage the Zero at speeds above 300 mph. At such high speeds, the Zero’s ability to roll quickly into a turn was greatly degraded.

In fact, the Zero’s problems with maneuverability did not begin at 300 mph. In October 1944, the U.S. Navy conducted tests of a captured A6M5 Model 52.[32] It found that the ailerons started to become heavy at only 200 kts (180 mph). Yoshimura also reported that the ailerons started to become heavy at 186 mph (300 km/h or 162 kts).[33] By 230 mph (370 km/h or 200 kts), he reported, it was difficult to make a slow roll.[34] Mitsubishi added balance tabs to increase roll rate, but these were later deleted due to buffeting problems.

References

Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscomb Down (April 1941). Spitfire V. X.4922 (Merlin XLV) Brief Performance Trials.

Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscomb Down (October 1941). Hurricane IIB, Z.3564 and IIA (Series 2), Z.2346 (Merlin XX), Performance and Handling Trials.

Board of Inspection and Survey (January 23, 1941). Contract 68219 – Model F4F-3 Airplane – Production Inspection Trials – Final Report on.

This has details on the U.S. Navy inspection report on the F4F-3 Wildcat. The report noted that the Wildcat failed to meet the contractual requirement of 350 mph.

Board of Inspection and Survey (March 24, 1942). Contract 75736 – Model F4F-4 Airplane – Production Inspection Trials – Final Report on.

This has details on the U.S. Navy inspection report on the F4F-4 Wildcat. The report noted that the Wildcat failed to meet the contractual requirement of 328 mph.

Bueschel, Richard M. (1995). Nakajima Ki-43 Hayabusa in Japanese Army Air Force RTAF-CAF-IPSF Service, Schiffer Military/Aviation History: Atglen, Pennsylvania.

Caygill, Peter (2002). Combat Legends: Focke-Wulf FW-190, Airlife: Shrewsbury, England.

Division of Naval Air Station Patuxent River (November, 1944). Combat Evaluation of Zeke 52 with F4U-D, F6F-5, and FM-2, TAIC Report No. 17.

Dunn, Richard L. (2004). Zero Model 21: Unraveling the Performance Data (Part 1), http://warbirdforum.com/zerodunn.htm.

This article links to Part 2. This article was not published. It is well-reasoned. However, Dunn argued that because 38 inches of mercury boost was available to pilots, it should not be called overboost. This seems unwarranted. Overboost has to be available to pilots if it is to be used. Similarly, tachometers show a red line speed, but the driver is capable of exceeding the red line RPM.

Ethell, Jeffrey (2003). Warbirds: American Legends of World War II, Lowe & B. Hould: Ann Arbor, Michigan. (First edition published in 1993.)

This book focuses on three aircraft: The P-40 Warhawk, the P-38 lightning, and the P-51 Mustang. The book is rich in small but important details. For example, it notes that the Warhawk’s tight cowling and water piping mad the engine difficult to work on. Mechanics called the engine compartment a hot water toilet.

Ford, Daniel (2007). Flying Tigers: Claire Chennault and his American Volunteers, 1941-1943, Harper Collins/Smithsonian Books: New York. First printed in 1991.

Hiscock, Mervin (2003). Hawker Hurricane: Inside Out, Crowood Press: Wiltshire, England.

Horikoshi, Jiro, Eagles of Mitsubishi: The Story of the Zero Fighter, University of Washington Press: Seattle, Washington, 1981. Translated by Shojiro Shindo and Harold N. Wantiez. First published in 1970 by Kappa Books: Tokyo.

This is the definitive source on the Zero airframe’s development, as told by its designer. However, if you are looking for information about the Zero’s engine, weapons, and other non-airframe matters, you will have to look elsewhere.

Intelligence Service, U. S. Army Air Forces, Information Intelligence Summary, No. 85, Flight Characteristics of the Japanese Zero, December 1942.

This is the report on tests done on Koga’s captured Model 21 Zero.

Jackson, Robert (2005). Mitsubishi Zero: Combat Legend, The Crowood Press: London.

This book is full of good information. It contains detailed notes from the Intelligence Service report on tests conducted with the Koga Zero.

Mikesh, Robert C. (1994). Zero: Combat and Development History of Japan’s legendary Mitsubishi A6M Zero Fighter, MBI Publishing: Osceola, Wisconsin.

This is the best book on the Zero I have seen. It has solid information and a lot of it.

Molesworth, Carl (2008). P-40 Warhawk vs Ki-43 Oscar, Osprey: Botley, Oxford, UK.

This is my source of speed data for the P-40 Warhawk. Data for the speeds of different versions of the Warhawk is difficult to obtain, and I have not found any definitive sources.

Molesworth, Carl (2003). P-40 Warhawk Aces of the Pacific, Osprey Aircraft of the Aces, No. 55, Osprey: Botley, Oxford, UK.

Nijboer, Donald (2009). Seafire vs A6M Zero: Pacific Theater, Osprey: Botley, Oxford, UK.

Very few Seafires (navalized versions of the Spitfire) fought Zeros. However, this book has a great discussion of tests done on captured A6M5 Model 52s.

Sakai, Saburo; Caiden, Martin; and Saito, Fred (2001). Samurai!, ibooks: New York. (Originally published in 1957.)

Sakai was Japan’s top surviving ace. He discusses the Zero—especially early models—from the viewpoint of the pilot. This is a great complement to Horikoshi’s book. It is also a good read.

Whitney, Daniel D. (1998). Vee’s for Victory! The Story of the Allison V-1710 Aircraft Engine 1929–1948, Shiffer Military History: Atglen, Pennsylvania.

Yoshimura, Akira, Zero Fighter, Praeger: Westport, Connecticut, 1996. Translated by Retsu Kaiho and Michael Gregson.

This is book with written with great amount of Japanese national pride about the Zero and other aspects of World War II. Having good access to Japanese sources, this book contains a fair amount of information about the Zero available in no other books.

Acknowledgment

Several of the flight test reports were found at the World War II Performance website, http://www.wwiiaircraftperformance.org. This extremely valuable site is maintained by Mike Williams and Neil Stirling.

---

[1] The Imperial Japanese Navy called it the Type 0 because it was first produced in the Japanese year 2600, which was abbreviated to 0.

[2] Horikoshi, 1981, p. 103.

[3] Horikoshi, 1981, P. 4

[4] Horikoshi, 1981, 72.

[5] Horikoshi, 1981, 73.

[6] Horikoshi, 1981, p. 139.

[7] Intelligence Service, 1942.

[8] Dunn, 2004.

[9] Mikesh, 1994, p. 97.

[10] Jackson, 2005, p. 69.

[11] Gunston, Bill, Ed. (1985). The Illustrated Book of Fighters, Exeter Books: New York, p. 76.

[12] Sakai, Caiden, and Saito, 2001, p. 69.

[13] Sakai, Caiden, and Saito, 2001, 69, 290.

[14] Whitney, 1998, p. 155.

[15] Nijboer, 2009, p. 31.

[16] Dunn (2004) argued that 345 mph was not under overboost because the boost control was marked up to 38 hg of Mercury. However, overboost is part of the boost control. It is like a redline in a car’s tachometer. You can exceed it mechanically, but the results are not likely to be good for the engine.

[17] Division of Naval Intelligence, 1944, p. 2.

[18] Sakai, Caiden, and Saito, 2001, p. 69.

[19] Jackson, 2003, pp. 82-83.

[20] Division of Naval Intelligence, 1944, p. 2.

[21] Sakai, Caiden, and Saito, p. 141.

[22] Focke-Wulf FW-190s began appearing in the late summer of 1941, and they were widely deployed in 1942. The 190A-3 was one of the early models, although I do not have a precise date for it [Caygill, 2002].

[23] This was the main version of the Spitfire in use in 1942. The Spitfire V was designed to deal with the improved bf 109F, which was the successor to the bf 109E that fought in the Battle of Britain against the Spitfire I and the Spitfire II.

[24] At Pearl Harbor, Welch and Taylor flew in P-40Bs, which had two 50-caliber machine guns in the nose and two 30-caliber machine guns in each wing [Ethell, 2003]. However, the P-40E was also beginning entering service, principally in the Philippines, where it first flew against the attacking Japanese on December 8, 1941 [Molesworth, 2003]. The P-40E had a more powerful engine than the P-40B and P-40C. It was also the first P-40 with the big scoop beneath the nose of the aircraft. The Flying Tigers began with an aircraft that was similar to the P-40B and P-40C, then upgraded to the P-40E [Ford, 2007].

[25] The Hurricane II was introduced in 1939, and there were later version of the Hurricane by the time of the Pearl Harbor attack. However, later versions of the Hurricane were ground attack aircraft and generally had lower top speeds [Hisock, 2003]. In the first year of the war in the Pacific, however, some Hurricanes were used as fighters in Burma and India.

[26] During the first year of the war, Allied forces faced the Ia, Ib, and Ic versions of the Ki.43 Hayabusa (U.S. codename “Oscar.” Only 35 Ias and 45 Ibs were built, so most of the roughly 700 Ki.43 Is that were built were the c model [Bueschel, 1995].

[27] Intelligence Service, 1942.

[28] Sakai, Caiden, and Saito, 2001; Horikoshi, 1981.

[29] Intelligence Service, 1942.

[30] Division of Naval Air Station Patuxent River, 1944.

[31] Intelligence Service, 1942.

[32] Division of Naval Intelligence, 1944, p. 1.

[33] Yoshimura, 1996, p. 103.

[34] Yoshimura, 1996, p. 103.

CH-53s at a Forward Aerial Refueling Point (FARP)

Pacific Aviation Museum’s newest aircraft is a Sikorsky CH-53D Sea Stallion, S/N 157173. The CH-53 has been the Marines’ heavy lift helicopter since the days of the Vietnam War. Our aircraft was commissioned in December 1969 and quickly went to Vietnam. It crashed on October 10, 1970 but was retrieved and placed back in service. Since then, this bird has served in most major conflicts, most recently in Afghanistan. Until its recent retirement, it belonged to Heavy Marine Helicopter Squadron HMH-363 at Marine Corps Air Station Kaneohe Bay. The squadron’s nickname, the “Ugly Angels,” is a comment on the CH-53’s boxy Bulldog appearance. Today, the Marines have transitioned out of most of their CH-53Ds and are trying to extend the lives of the CH-53Es to stay in service until the CH-53Ks arrive sometime around 2018. The CH-53 is the largest helicopter outside Russia, yet Marines have shown that it can be rolled and even looped.

The USAF has also used the CH-53 widely. In Vietnam, the HH-53B and HH-53C were the “Super Jolly Green Giants” that rescued downed air crews deep in enemy territory. After Vietnam, MH-53H, MH-53J, and MH-53M Pave Low helicopters inserted and extracted special operations forces and led the first attack in Desert Storm.

Marine Stallions

CH-53D Unloading Troops

At the beginning of the Vietnam War, the Marines needed a heavy lift helicopter to supplement their new Boeing Vertol CH-46 medium lift helicopters. They chose the two-engine Sikorsky CH-53A Sea Stallion. After producing 139 CH-53As, Sikorsky began producing 126 CH-53D Sea Stallions. The Delta model was muscular helicopter with two 3,925 shp engines. This allowed it to carry heavy loads yet still be one of the fastest helicopters in the war.

CH-53Ds in Hawaii

Rather than give maximums for performance parameters, Table 1 shows performance in two of the mission profiles the CH-53D was designed to fly. The first is an ordinary assault mission carrying 8,000 pounds of inbound cargo internally and taking back 4,000 pounds. The second is an overload assault mission, in which the outbound load was a 12,742 pound external slung load. Note that even with an external load adding drag, the CH-53D was still a fast helicopter. Its two 3,925 shp GE turboshaft engines gave it exceptional performance for its time.

Table 1: CH-53D Performance Characteristics on Assault Missions

Today, only a few heavy Marine helicopter squadrons still fly the CH-53D, and they are transitioning to the newer Echo model. This should have happened several years earlier, but delays in the production of the CH-53K model discussed below extended service longer than desired.

CH-53D Super Stallion

Loaded CH-53E Refueling

After Vietnam, the equipment that helicopters needed to carry grew larger and heavier. The Marines determined that they needed a helicopter with 80% more lift. This would allow it to sling the 16,000 pound M198 howitzer and the 26,000 Light Armored Vehicle. It is often said that the new aircraft was required to lift 16 tons, but this was only for missions with very small radiuses. Overall, it seems best to call the required aircraft a 10-ton hauler.

Sikorsky responded to these requirements by developing a version of the Sea Stallion with higher engine power of 4,380 shp and adding a third engine. This required a more powerful rotor system, the use of titanium-fiberglass composite, and the addition of a seventh blade. To give the helicopter more cargo space, Sikorsky lengthened the fuselage by six feet. With a maximum takeoff weight of over 73,000 pounds (almost twice the maximum weight of the Delta model), the CH-53E Super Stallion is the heaviest helicopter outside of Russia. The CH-53E finally entered service in 1981. The Marines and the Navy eventually purchased 177 Super Stallions through 1994, when production ended. The Echo model remains in widespread use by the Marines today. It has served the Corps well in all wars since its creation. Today, the Marines are trying to stretch its useful life until the CH-53K is ready.

Today, the Marines are planning to move to the even more powerful CH-53K. This is a thoroughly redesigned aircraft. It will use composites heavily, will have blades with downward aerodynamic tips, and will have a glass cockpit. It will be about 12% wider than the Echo model, in order to carry wider cargo like the HMMWV. Although the Kilo will be more complex than earlier models, it should have about 40% lower maintenance requirements. The CH-53K will be powered by three GE-38-1B engines, each rated in the “7,500 shp class”. The Kilo will be 20 mph faster than the Super Stallion yet will be able to carry a load of 27,000 pounds with a radius 126 miles, even in hot and high conditions. This is more than double the carrying capacity of the CH-53E under these conditions.

CH-53K

CH-53K Mock-up

Artist Rendering of a CH-53K in flight

Unfortunately, the CH-53K will not reach Initial Operational Capability until 2018. A serious question is whether the Marines can safely stretch their CH-53Es Super Stallions long enough to bridge the gap between today and the CH-53K’s arrival. This problem is exacerbated by the duty cycles required in Afghanistan, which are about three times normal peacetime duty cycles.

Navy Stallions and Dragons

The Navy also liked the CH-53. It modified 15 CH-53As to become RH-53As for minesweeping operations. When the D model arrived, the Navy began to procure RH-53Ds. These minesweepers trailed equipment that dragged underwater mines to the surface. Gunners then detonated the mines with 12.7 mm machine guns. Later, MH-53E Sea Dragon took on minesweeping duties. Mine sweeping was crucial several times in the Gulf, especially in 1987 and 1991.

Beyond minesweeping, these versatile helicopters were used for transportation, combat search and rescue, vertical replenishment, and even towing ships. Unfortunately, RH-53Ds failed sadly in Operation Eagle Claw operation in 1980, which was an attempt to retrieve U.S. hostages in Iran. Two were turned back by a dust storm, so after the strike team landed in a staging area, the mission was aborted because it had too few helicopters. When the strike team was leaving the staging area, one of the RH-53Ds struck a Hercules on the ground. Eight soldiers died, and the mission was aborted.

Operation Eagle Claw Wreckage of an RH-53D

Air Force Super Jollies

In Vietnam, the USAF had a pressing need for combat search and rescue (CSAR)—finding and retrieving pilots shot down in enemy territory before the enemy found them. The Air Force first used the Kaman HH-43B, but this small helicopter had very limited range and a cruising speed of only 105 mph. The Air Force then turned to the U.S. Navy’s Sikorsky H-3 helicopter. The Air Force procured the HH-3E, and the new “Jolly Green Giants” immediately proved their worth. However, the HH-3E still had limited speed; this dragged out the time required for extractions, sometimes with fatal results. In addition, in the hot and often high-altitude environment of Vietnam, the HH-3E Jollies sometimes lacked the power to hover to retrieve air crews needing extractions.

HH-3E Jolly Green Giant

The Air Force then turned to the Marines’ H-53. The HH-53B and HH-53C Super Jollies had no problem hovering under any conditions, were more heavily armed, and carried around 1,000 pounds of titanium armor. Both models had retractable in-flight refueling probes. This allowed them to refuel from C-130 tankers that flew along on long CSAR missions. The HH-53B, which was a modified CH-53A, arrived in 1967. However, the Bravo model was an interim solution, and only 8 aircraft were produced. The improved HH-53C arrived in Vietnam late in 1968. The Air Force purchased 44 of them.

Compared to the HH-3E, which had a normal internal load of 3,000 pounds, the HH-53C could carry 13,000 pounds. While the HH-3E had a top speed of 142 knots, the HH-53C raised this to 190 knots. Higher speed allowed the Super Jollies to get to crash scenes considerably faster than the HH-3E Jollies. The Super Jollies had three six-barrel GAU-2/A 7.62 mm miniguns—one on each side and one shooting out the back ramp.

HH-53C Jolly Green Giant in Vietnam, Taken from another CH-53C

Air Force Pave Low Helicopters

CH-53M Pave Low IV

Although the Super Jollies were safer than the H-3E Jollies for CSAR missions, they were far from safe. Of the 52 HH-53Bs and HH-53Cs used in Vietnam, 17 were lost in combat and another 3 were lost in accidents. This does not even include aircraft were shot down but returned to duty.

Although the HH-53 Super Jollies were great aircraft, they were only adept at operating in the daytime and in good weather. This was obviously bad for retrieving downed air crews. It was even worse for another job taken on by the Jollies and Super Jollies—inserting Special Forces teams behind enemy lines, resupplying them, and retrieving them. Night versions of the Super Jollies were needed.

After Vietnam, vision and navigation technology gradually matured. In 1980, the USAF rebuilt nine of its Vietnam H-53 aircraft as MH-53H Pave Low III multi-mission helicopters. “Pave” is an acronym for precision avionics vectoring equipment. “Low” referred to the fact that these electronics allowed the aircraft to fly though enemy air spaces flying nap of the earth to avoid detection. The MH-53H was followed by more advanced MH-53J Pave Low III Enhanced helicopter, 41 of which were produced from older helicopters from 1986 to 1990. Like the H, the J model was rebuilt from older models. In the late 1990s, the Air Force began to receive MH-53M Pave Low IV Helicopters with the ability to understand the entire battlefield through satellite links.

We will never know most of the missions these aircraft and their Special Forces passengers completed, but one example is very well known. At the start of Desert Storm, the U.S. wanted to knock out two Iraqi radar stations, clearing a corridor for later aircraft to use to enter Iraq. It was decided to use four U.S. Army AH-64 Apache helicopters against each of the installations. However, the Apaches did not have good enough navigation equipment to take them to the radar sites. Consequently, each group of four Apaches was led to the target by an MH-53J. This worked very well, and when the U.S. attack officially began at 3:00 am Baghdad time, the corridors were free to use.

Pave Lows in Transit

The Air Force used its Pave Low aircraft extensively, running their last combat missions in 2008. The Air Force then retried its last Pave Lows and transitioned completely to the newer CV-22 Osprey. Thanks to its ability to fly rapidly like a traditional fixed-wing aircraft and its very long range, the Osprey can fly around high-risk areas and still arrive at their destination on time.

MV-22 Osprey

Like many of the helicopters introduced before and during the Vietnam War, the Sikorsky H-53 has proven to be a solid platform for enhancements. Although the new MH-53K versions will be far more capable than the early Alpha models, this really is a testament to the soundness of Sikorsky’s initial design.

In the future, the Marines will have the typical light-medium-heavy triad of vertical lift aircraft. The UH-1Y, successor to the venerable UH-1s of the Vietnam War, will provide light lifting services. The MH-53K will provide heavy lifting. In the middle will be the CV-22 Osprey, which only recently replaced the Vietnam Era CH-46 Sea Knights.

2010

December 2, 2011

Both Tora, Tora, Tora and Pearl Harbor prominently featured the tall red and white control tower on Ford Island. This article looks at the history of the control tower and its recent stabilization.

This is the second in a series of articles on Ford Island as it existed on December 7, 1941. Jumping right to the control tower is taking things a bit out of order. However, with the unveiling of the renovated control tower scheduled for December 7, 2011, it is the right time to look at this historic building.

The control tower is part of the Operations Building (S84). This was a multipurpose structure built just to the north of the seaplane base hangars. Like many buildings on Ford Island, it

was a brand new building when the attack occurred. In fact, it was not quite finished.

Figure 1 shows the building right after the attack. It is obvious from the figure is that the control tower was not painted red and white. In fact, it wasn’t painted yet. In addition, there is no control tower at the top. In fact, only two of its three rings are in place around the water tank. Although the control tower at the top of the big water tower was scheduled for construction, it was not in existence at the time of the attack. Aircraft had to be controlled from the building at the base of the water tank.

Figure 1: Building S84 around December 8, 1941. Source: National Archives 80-G-32482.

The figure shows a lower control tower on the roof of Building S84. This structure was created as an aerological tower (for wind direction and weather forecasting). However, until the upper control tower was built, it doubled as an interim control tower for wheeled aircraft using the runway. Figure 2 shows this structure in 1993, during the Historic American Buildings Survey project to survey building S84 [Hatani, 1993]. Figure 3 shows an aerological center, although not the one on Ford Island.

Figure 2: Aerological Tower and Interim Control Tower. Source: Historic American Building Survey, 1993. 048213PR.

Source: National Archives and Records Administration: NH-52831

Building S84 was called the Operations Building. It was actually a multi-purpose building that was designed to serve a number of functions. According to the Historic Buildings Survey assessment of the building [Hatani, 1993], it consisted of “a garage, operations/administrative offices, barracks, aerological tower, water tank, and aircraft control tower” on December 7, 1941.

The upper control tower was finished on May 1, 1942, five months after the attack [U.S. Navy, 1945]. Figure 2 shows the building and control tower shortly afterward, on May 8, 1942. Note that although the building was finished, it was not painted. By the way, the small truck in front of the building in the middle was a wrecker/fire truck designed to work on crashed airplanes.

Figure 5: The Upper Control Tower on May 8, 1942

We do not know exactly when the control tower was finally painted, but we do have a picture of it in August 1942. This is Figure 3. It is not a very good picture, but the control tower is visible in the lower right part of the picture. The tower is painted in sinuous camouflage. We do not know what the camouflage colors were, but red and white would not make for very good camouflage.

Figure 6: The Control Tower Painted in Camouflage August 1942

Figure 6 gives a better image of the camouflaged tower on December 10, 1942. This picture is taken from the north, which is unusual. In the foreground on the left are revetments for aircraft to protect them from attack. These revetments were built after the attack. They were later torn down.

Figure 7: Camouflaged Tower on November 10, 1942. Source: National Archives.

When Did the Tower Become Red and White?

We are even more uncertain when the tower was painted red and white. Figure 4 shows the control tower in 1944. It is still in camouflage. Presumably, it remained this way through the war.

Figure 8: The Tower in June 1944

We also know that when Tora, Tora, Tora was filmed in 1969, the tower was red and white. Unfortunately, we have no idea when between 1944 and 1969 the tower was painted red and white. We are currently looking for pictures of the tower between 1944 and 1969 to get a better understanding of when the color was changed to red and white. If you have any pictures of the tower, please contact our Curatorial Department 808-441-1016.

Although S84 looked different on the day of the attack than it did in its finished red-and-white form, it played an important role on the day of the attack. Aviator Harvey Waldron [Quazilbash 2010] recalled that oil-soaked survivors of the battleships were wandering around in a state of shock. Waldron and others took them to S84, where they tried to remove the oil from the victims with their t-shirts and anything else on hand, although Waldron said that it was “hopeless.”

During the attack, operators in the lower control deck guided the Enterprise SBD Dauntless scout planes that arrived in the middle of the attack. Although five SBDs were lost to Japanese and American fire, most were able to land on the Ford Island runway. Two are visible in a photograph taken from S84 of Hangar 37, which is Pacific Aviation Museum’s first hangar. After servicing and arming with bombs, the SBDs later went back up, despite continuing danger from “friendly fire,” in an attempt to find the Japanese fleet.

Later that night, the commander of the Enterprise air group, who had arrived that morning in one of the surviving SBDs, tried to use the radio in the tower to warn six arriving Enterprise F4F Wildcat fighters to land directly instead of making a customary pass around the island [Erickson, undated]. The Enterprise aircraft either ignored him or could not hear him. When they made a pass over the airfield, nearly all the guns in the harbor opened up on them, with fatal results.

In 1993, the Historic American Buildings Survey conducted a study of Building S-84 [Hatani, 1993]. Referring to two 1970 architectural drawings, the report said that the first floor was converted into a fire station that year. The first floor continued to be a fire station when the survey was done.

The second floor was divided in half. At some point, the southern half (the half closes to Hangar 37) was converted into a chapel, but that use ceased about 1988. The southern half then became a storage area.

When the study was done, the northern half of the second floor was used as a training facility and offices for the Naval Station Police Department.

At the time of the study, the aerological tower had been converted into a control deck for civilian touch-and-go practice. The control deck was operated by Hawaii State Department of Transportation. Civilian operations started in 1970 and lasted till 1999. They ended when Barbers Point was closed as a naval air station and a civilian airport opened in its place.

Finally, the report noted that the steel water tank and upper control tower were in a state of disrepair and had been abandoned. Although there were plans to renovate the two-story building, there were no plans at the time to renovate the water tower or upper control tower.

Was It Ever a Dive Tower

At the beginning of the museum in 2006, things were a bit rushed, and several historically inaccurate things were said to visitors. The biggest gaffe was frequently saying that the tower, which is a large water tank, was a navy submarine diving tower for training submariners in how to evacuate sunken submarines. This was completely wrong. The water tank was never a dive tower. The confusion probably occurred because Pearl Harbor did have a navy dive tower. It was, as you would suspect, on the submarine base. Figure 5 shows the submarine base. The dive tower is small but clearly visible.

Source: National Archives. Submarine Base on October 13, 1941. 80-G-451125.

References

Hatani, Dennis and Hatanki, Dennis K. Hatani, Inc., Historic American Buildings Survey, U. S. Naval Base, Pearl Harbor, Operations Building (Building No. S84), HABS No. HI-145, October 1993.

Quazilbash, Homa, Local Veteran Looks Back at Pearl Harbor, KTVZ.com, December 7, 2010. http://www.ktvz.com/news/26054286/detail.html.

U.S. Navy, History of U.S. Naval Air Station, Pearl Harbor, Territory of Hawaii, 1945.

Erickson, F. A., Lt., U.S.C.G, Incident of Enterprise airplanes, Attempt Landing, 10 December 1941. Undated.

Prepared By

Ray@Panko.com

Ford Island was the epicenter of the attack on December 7, 1941. Its seaplane base had dozens of long-range PBY patrol bombers capable of locating the Japanese fleet after the attack. Along her coast were moored seven of the Pearl Harbor fleet’s nine battleships. Ford Island is also where the Pacific Fleet’s three carriers would have moored had they been in port that day. The attack destroyed nearly all of the patrol planes. It also disabled the Pacific Fleet’s battleship force, making it impossible for the U.S. to carry the fight to Japan to spoil the Japanese expansion in the Pacific.

Today, Ford Island is still an active military base. However, it is now possible for tourists to visit parts of this historic battlefield. Pacific Aviation Museum Pearl Harbor gives visitors access to historic Hangar 37 and Hangar 79 and is in the process of renovating the famous control tower. The museum will eventually expand to include Hangar 54. This is the first in a series of articles on Ford Island as it existed on December 7, 1941.

The Surrounding Area

Figure 1 shows Pearl Harbor and the surrounding area. Ford Island is in the middle of the harbor.

Figure 1: Pearl Harbor and Hickam Field, October 30, 1941 80-G-182874

On the eastern shore is the Navy Yard, where heavy repairs were done. The USS Pennsylvania (BB-28), the flagship of the battle fleet was in dry dock for overhaul. In the second wave of the attack, dive bombers damaged the Pennsylvania heavily damaged the destroyers USS Cassin (DD-372), USS Shaw (DD-373), and USS Downes (DD-375). On the 1010 Dock closest to Ford Island, the light cruiser USS Helena (CL-50) and the minelayer USS Oglala (CM-4) were moored during the attack. Both were sunk by a Japanese torpedo but were later restored. The Helena was lost at the Battle of Kula Gulf in 1943.

Many Japanese torpedo planes flew along the East Loch to get the longest possible straight runs for dropping their computers. This put the battleships USS Oklahoma and USS West Virginia in an almost direct line. Of the 40 torpedoes dropped by Japanese aircraft, approximately 14 hit these two ships.

Note that Hickam Field, which was the U.S. Army Air Forces bomber field in Hawaii, is adjacent to Pearl Harbor. Today, the two bases are combined into Joint Base Pearl Harbor Hickam.

The figure also shows the narrow sea channel between the Pacific Ocean and Pearl Harbor. If a major ship had been sunk in the harbor while escaping, other ships could not leave or enter the harbor.

Finally, the figure shows oil storage near the submarine base. Admiral Nagano has been criticized for not launching a third wave to destroy the oil storage tanks throughout Pearl Harbor and ship repair facilities in the Navy Yard.

Ford Island

Figure 2 takes a closer look at Ford Island. This picture was taken on October 10, 1941. If it looks familiar to visitors to Pacific Aviation Museum, this is because the photograph was the basis for the Dru Blair mural that visitors see when they enter the main floor of Hangar 37.

Figure 2: Ford Island, October 10, 1941. 80-G-279375

The label Battleship Row lies at the bottom of a set of quays used by the bulk of Pearl Harbor’s battleships. On the day of the attack, the battleships Oklahoma (BB-37), Maryland (BB-46), West Virginia (BB-48), Tennessee (BB-43), Arizona (BB-39), and Nevada (BB-36) were moored there. The USS California (BB-44) was moored farther down at Quay F-3, just behind where the USS Enterprise is in the October, 1941 picture (at Quay F-2) [1]. These battleships bore the brunt of the torpedo, high-level bombing, and dive bombing attacks on Pearl Harbor that day. The USS Pennsylvania (BB-38), the other battleship in port that day, was in the Navy Yard undergoing overhaul. The other battleship in the Pearl Harbor force was the USS Colorado (BB-45). She was in undergoing overhaul on the West Coast.

No aircraft carriers were in port that day. The USS Enterprise (CV-6) was scheduled to have returned from dropping off 12 F4F fighters at Wake Island, but it was delayed by heavy seas. As noted in an earlier blog article, the Enterprise was normally moored where it was in Figure 2. The USS Lexington (CV-2) and the USS Saratoga (CV-3) normally moored on the other side of the island, where the USS Utah (AG-16) was moored on the day of the attack. On the day of the attack, Lexington was on its way to delivery dive bombers to Midway Island. Saratoga had just finished a refit and was entering San Diego’s harbor to pick up its air wing. The survival of these carriers was critical for the first year of the war.

The lower right corner of Pearl Harbor is the seaplane base. This base had four squadrons of Consolidated PBY Catalina patrol bombers. These aircraft had an operational radius of operation of 700 miles, so they could have found the Japanese fleet long after its attack. The seaplane base also was the servicing area for catapult-launched aircraft on cruisers and battleships when these ships were in port. Due to a communication mix-up, Japanese dive bombers hit the seaplane base at 7:55, almost five minutes before their torpedo bombers arrived to attack the battleships. The seaplane base is now home to Pacific Aviation Museum and active Navy facilities. Its landmark feature was the control tower in the airfield Operations Building. The photo shows that the tower was unfinished in October, 1941, just as it was on the day of the attack.

At the opposite side of the island was the servicing area for carrier aircraft when the carriers were in port. This area had been a U.S. Army Air Corps base, Luke Field, until 1939. It was often still referred to as “Luke Field” despite the fact that it was then a Navy facility. The runway, by the way, was never called Luke Field. “Field” was the U.S. Army Air Corps and U.S. Army Air Forces name for an air base, not for the base runway.

The 1930s were the romantic years of flight. At the beginning of the decade, flying across oceans was a life-risking experience. However, beginning in 1936, Pan Am began to fly across the Pacific. Their aircraft were the beautiful, luxurious, and enormous Clippers. Built by Martin and Boeing, these amazing aircraft flew the rich and famous in style to exotic locations throughout the Pacific. Although Clippers only flew passengers for five years before America was dragged into the war, it is difficult to think of pre-war Hawaii without a Pan Am Clipper flying above the islands.

In 1927, Pan Am began to fly in Central and South America. By the early 1930s, Juan Trippe wanted to create regular mail, cargo, and passenger service to Hawaii and locations deeper in the Pacific. His initial goal was to carry people, cargo, and mail all the way from San Francisco to China. In 1935, the first survey flights gained the company experience for operating the route. October 1935 saw the beginning of mail and cargo service. October 21, 1936 saw the first passenger flight. Pan Am provided weekly service along recently impossible routes. Although the first services stopped at Manila for political reasons, service continued to expand and eventually reached Hong Kong and Singapore.

Pan Am was also eyeing the more lucrative market for service between America and Europe, but poor weather conditions made year-round Atlantic service extremely risky. In addition, the required stepping stones along the Pacific route to Manila were U.S. possessions, while trans-Atlantic flights would have to stop at possessions owned by other countries. Only in 1939 did Pan Am begin service to Europe, and that year weather problems cancelled 40% of the flights, and many that did complete the route were delayed for several days.

Before Clipper service began, Pan Am operations in Central and South America became a laboratory for how to extend air service to regions where distances were long, airports few, and facilities largely non-existent. Although Pan Am used airports when it could, there were many more bays than airports, and they used flying boats and float planes heavily. The Americas operations forced Pan Am to develop long-distance navigation, radio communication, and the creation of fully functional air support and hotel facilities where none existed. Although the Pacific would bring even greater challenges, Pan Am already had oversea flying capabilities that no other company could approach.

To cross the Pacific, Pan Am would need far larger flying boats to achieve economic payloads. Although aircraft companies were ready to create large four-engine aircraft, few airports could to accommodate. Four-engine flying boats would not have these problems. The first Pan Am Clipper, the Sikorsky S-42, was really designed for the Americas, although S-42s surveyed some Pacific routes and flew the short hop between Manila and Hong Kong. Next came three larger Martin M-130s provided the first regular service.

Then came the definitive Boeing 314s and 314As. With a payload five times that of the Martins, the twelve B314s and B-314As finally brought the Pacific service to maturity when they arrived in early 1939. These enormous aircraft had a stunning maximum gross weight of 84,000 pounds. Their wide boat hulls have enormous room for passengers and cargo. Their wings were so thick that the flight engineer could crawl out to the engines and service them in flight. They would be the widest passenger aircraft until the Boeing 747 many years later.

The Boeings were enormous. By way of comparison, the dominant passenger airliner at the time was the twin-engine Douglas DC-2, which carried 14 passengers over routes nearing 1,000 miles and cost about $80,000. In contrast, the Boeings cost $620,000 apiece—just under ten million of today’s dollars. They could carry 74 passengers, cargo, and mail over 3,500-mile hops. Boeing had previously built the XB-15, which was heavier than the later B-17. Engines strong enough to give the XB-15 good performance had not been available, so that project died. Boeing responded to Pan Am’s needs by adapting the 150 foot wing of the XB-15 and the engine nacelles to an enormous flying boat body. Using new Wright 1,500 hp and later 1,600 hp Twin Cyclone engines, the 314A was able to carry this enormous bulk at cruising speeds of 188 mph.

The only class was first class. Passenger compartments had heavy sound deadening. The aircraft had couches instead of just seats. On overnight flights, they could convert into beds. The passenger space was divided into five compartments. In addition, there was a spacious main lounge, separate men’s and women’s restrooms and changing rooms, and even a bridal suite in the tail. Food was served on China plates, and the level of cuisine was high. In addition, on most part of the journey, passengers only flew during the day and slept at comfortable hotels at night. Pan Am loved to use nautical terminology, so it called its cabin attendants stewards and later stewardesses. For this level of service, prices were beyond the reach of anyone but the super wealthy. In 1939, a one-way ticket from San Francisco to Honolulu cost $278, and a one-way ticket to Hong Kong cost $1,368. In 2010 dollars, these were $4,317 and $11,803.

The flight from San Francisco to Manila took six hops. The big jump was the flight between San Francisco and Honolulu. This 2,400-mile flight was roughly a thousand miles longer than other routes. Even with Boeing Clippers, overnight flying was unavoidable. Due to the long distance of this flight, even the Boeing Clippers only carried about 25 passengers and limited their speeds to between 135 and 144 mph. On other legs, as noted earlier, the Boeing Clipper could carry 74 passengers with cruising speeds as high as 188 mph. Night flying was hazardous because aircraft could fly into unseen storms. Consequently, only the Honolulu–San Francisco leg used overnight flying.

Beyond Hawaii, Midway Island was 1,400 miles away, Wake Island was 1,300 miles further, and Guam was an additional 1,600 miles. The flight from San Francisco to Manila covered 8,200 miles. It took six days and involved about 60 hours of flying time. On Midway and Wake, Pan Am had to create two facilities on barren islands. For these stops, Pan Am built service facilities and comfortable hotels. These were only used once or twice a week, so operating costs were enormous. This was far from today’s pace of travel, but it was only about a third of the time required to travel these distances by ship. Later, Pan Am introduced Clipper service to New Zealand and other southern points.

When we think of Clipper service, we usually focus on passengers. However, Pan Am made half of its annual revenues from the carriage of mail. Mail was also critical on the Pacific routes. In fact, the first Pacific Clippers flew for almost a year delivering cargo and mail before they began to carry passengers.

When the Japanese attacked on December 7, one Pan Am Clipper was about an hour away from landing in the harbor. Fortunately, it was warned and was able to divert to Hilo. A few hours later, a Martin M-130 Clipper was called back to Wake Island to make a patrol flight toward Midway to try to locate the Japanese fleet. As it was refueling for the mission, the Japanese bombed the island by air. The Clipper received 97 bullet holes, but it could fly well enough to evacuate 56 Pan Am employees.

Nine others had died in the attack, and one more failed to make the flight. At Hong Kong, a Sikorsky S-42 Clipper was caught in a Japanese attack shortly afterward it was heavily strafed and burned to the water line. Other Clippers were in the air and managed to evade destruction, although one had to return by flying West over 30,000 miles to La Guardia Airport—all under radio silence. After the start of the war, U.S. military took over Pan Am’s eleven Martin M-130s and Boeing B-314s. Due to the enormous experience of Pan Am in long-distance flying over water, the military asked the company to operate some of the Clippers using its own crew and staff.

Throughout the war, Pan Am flew across the Atlantic carrying high-priority passengers and critical cargo. For example, shortly after the Pearl Harbor attack, three Boeing 314s flew from New York to India. They were carrying vital spare parts and ammunition for the American Volunteer Group in China. On one trip, the Dixie Clipper took President Roosevelt to the Casablanca Conference and brought him home again. President Roosevelt, who thus became the first president of fly, celebrated his birthday in the Clipper’s dining room. Heavily overloaded, these wartime flights had some crashes. In one of these crashes, the aircraft was carrying a Pan Am Clipper pilot named Gene Roddenberry.

In 1945, the Honolulu Clipper lost two engines and had to land on the ocean 650 miles east of Hawaii. The passengers and crew were evacuated by ships in the area. The seaplane tender San Pablo attempted to take the Clipper in tow, but it accidentally ran into the Clipper, damaging it beyond repair. The San Pablo sunk the Clipper with 20 mm cannon fire, but it took 1,200 rounds and 30 minutes of fire to finally sink the aircraft.

After the war, the government offered to sell the Clippers back to Pan Am, but the company declined. The war had brought many more airports around the world, and four-engine landplanes could fly faster than the fat Clipper flying boats. DC-4s and Boeing 307s had begun to appear even before the war. Shortly after the war, Pan Am Lockheed Constellations, DC-5s, and Boeing 377s took over the routes that the Clippers had pioneered. Other companies bought the remaining Clippers from the military, but in 1951, the last of the huge Boeing Clippers reached the end of its career. None of these beautiful and historic aircraft remain except in old travel posters and cherished photographs.

Post by Ray Panko

Figure 1: USS Utah AG-16

In the first wave of the Pearl Harbor attack, 16 Japanese B5N2 Kate torpedo bombers approached Ford Island from the northwest. The western side of Ford Island is where the Lexington and Saratoga usually moored when they were in port. Although the Japanese knew that these carriers had been out of port, it made sense to send some of their torpedo planes to that side of the island first. If the Kates did not find a carrier or battleship, they could fly past Ford Island, turn around, and attack the battleships that moored on the northeast side of the island. Most did precisely that.

When the Kates reached the western side of the island, however, two crews used their torpedoes to attack the Utah, sinking her and killing 64 of her crewmen, 58 of whom were entombed in the ship when she capsized. This made little sense from a military point of view because the Utah was no longer an active battleship. The Washington Naval Treaty of 1922 resulted in ship limitations that required the Navy to turn the old Utah (commissioned in 1911) into an auxiliary ship. When that finally happened in 1931, her designation changed from BB-31 to AG-16. Her ten 12-inch guns were removed, and aircraft practiced dropping bombs on the Utah. For safety, the Utah was turned into a remote control ship for bomb practice exercises. Operators in another ship could control her movements so that there was no danger of falling bombs harming the crew. In 1941, she was given modern anti-aircraft guns and became an AA training ship as well as a target ship. To protect her guns during practice bomb drops, sensitive parts of her top-side structure were covered with long six-by-twelve inch timbers. However, when the ship began to roll after being hit, these timbers rolled loose; they impeded crew damage control and escape.

The seamen on Pearl Harbor tried to make sense of Utah sinking by speculating that the timbers over her most sensitive parts made the Japanese believe that she was an aircraft carrier. Obviously, this speculation was not based on any real knowledge of Japanese thinking. In addition, this explanation never made much sense. The two figures in this article show that the Utah did not look anything like an aircraft carrier. She had a high superstructure and typical battleship masts. There was no way for aircraft to take off from or land on such a ship.

After the war, interviews with Japanese participants in the Pearl Harbor raid cleared up the mystery. The Japanese fleet knew very well that the Utah was no longer a Battleship. Genda and Fuchida, who respectively planned and led the attack, ordered their men not to attack the Utah. However, one of the young pilots still mistook the Utah for an active battleship (not for an aircraft carrier) and attacked it, as did his wingman. Matsumura, who led the group of 16, was furious because the attacking Kates only had 40 torpedoes. The waste of even two was a serious matter.

Sources:

Delgado, James P., National Register of Historic Places Registration Form: USS Utah (BB-31 and AG-16), National Parks Service, 1998. This was the source of most information about the Utah, including its role as an auxiliary ship. This information is available elsewhere, but this is an exceptionally good source.

Prange, Gordon W., Goldstein, Donald M., and Dillon, Katherine V., At Dawn We Slept: The Untold Story of Pearl Harbor, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1981. This was the source of Japanese information about the sinking of the Utah. Prange and his team conducted many interviews with Japanese principals in the war.

Post by Ray Panko

Our snake’s time with the 235th was stressful. During her first month in Vietnam, the 298’s base came under mortar fire. As its crew’s rushed to get into the air from a revetment, one of her pilots over-revved the engine. This caused the tail to swing around into the revetment wall.

Fortunately, she could be repaired in theater. On March 11, our snake was attacking from 1,000 feet at 180 kts when she took her first hit. Her armament system was damaged, but she was able to complete her mission. The next day, on an armed reconnaissance mission, she was flying at 200 feet and 120 kts when she took her second hit. She was repaired and sent back to work. On June 6, she ran into heavier fire and took five hits to the transmission, main tail rotor, and oil system. This time, she was forced to land. She was repaired sufficiently to take off and divert to another base.

In January 1969, Viet Cong sappers damaged her with a satchel charge while she was parked. In February, she was again downed by fire but was recovered. She took more hits in February and March but continued the mission both times. On May 26, she took another three hits during a close air support mission. Although her cockpit and fuel system were damaged, she continued her mission. However, she was then moved to a maintenance unit to repair her damage and to be completely overhauled.

In June 1970, she reentered the fight with another nondivisional unit, the 3/5 Cavalry squadron. Cavalry units call their companies “troops” and their battalions “squadrons.” The 3/5 (pronounced third of the fifth) was the third squadron of the 5th Cavalry Regiment. Regiments were no longer active units in the Army hierarchy, but the 5th was nevertheless the titular home of the 3d.

The 3/5 was officially the Black Knights, but they called themselves the “Bastard Cav” because of their nondivisional status. Our snake was assigned to the D troop, known as the Crusaders. At the time, the Black Knights were under the 1st Cavalry Division’s 3d Brigade. After only 7 hours with the 3/5, however, our snake suffered an undocumented accident and went back into maintenance.

Photo credit: Vaughn Banting

After she returned to service, she first flew briefly with the famous 1/9 cavalry squadron of the famous 1st Cavalry Division. This was the “Air Cav’s” cavalry reconnaissance unit, and it called itself the “Real Cav.” The 1st of the 9th typically flew “pink” missions with a low-flying “white” observation helicopter seeking out the enemy and a higher-flying “red” Cobra providing protection and firing on enemy their partner identified.

However, our snake was quickly moved to the Air Cav’s 229th Assault Helicopter Battalion, known as the “Stacked Deck.” The 229th was tasked with moving assault troops into and out of landing zones and resupplying them during combat.

The 229th had three companies of assault Huey troop ships, each with about 20 helicopters. It also had one company (D) of about a dozen gunships, one of which was our snake. This company was known as the “Smiling Tigers.” There is no record of any damage during our snake’s time in the 229th until the accident that ended her service in Vietnam on 28 November, 1971. A warrant officer instructor pilot was giving a Captain a 90-day check ride.

The ride required the Captain to do several maneuvers simulating aircraft failure conditions. In one maneuver, the Captain overcorrected a nose-down condition caused by a simulated failure. The snake reared back, losing RPMs. She landed hard, damaging her right-side landing skid, then jumped back into the air. The instructor pilot immediately took over, but the aircraft landed hard, ending up on her left side, her blades having shattered as the hit the ground. Her long tour of duty was over.
Our snake spent most of her Army time after the war at Fort Knox, with the 1st and 5th Divisions. In 1974, she moved to Hawaii, where she was stationed at Schofield Barracks. The next year, she retired from active duty and moved to the Hawaii Army National Guard. Below is a picture of her doing a fly-by in 1999. This was the final flight of the Cobras in Hawaii.

At Pearl Harbor, the “newest” battleship was the West Virginia (BB-48). Built in 1921, she had the advantages of lessons learned in World War II. In addition, she was heavily updated before World War II. After she was built, a moratorium was placed on battleship construction a result of the Washington Naval conference. The U.S. would not begin to build more battleships until the eve of World War II.

West Virginia, 1926. National Archives, Photo # NH 46415

During the attack, the West Virginia took more hits than any other ship, including the Arizona and Oklahoma. She was hit by six or seven torpedoes (there was too much damage to be certain) and two heavy high-level bombs. Although alert counter-flooding kept her from capsizing like the Oklahoma moored in front of her, she sunk 40 feet into the harbor mud, continuing to burn for another day.

West Virginia sunk in 40 feet of water. Note the two funnels. Also note the “birdcage” masts, which were characteristics of U.S. battleships built after World War I. Robert F. Walden Collection - Hawaii War Records Depository - University of Hawaii Archives

Fortunately, Pearl Harbor’s shipyard was still operational. The yard put patches over her torpedo holes and floated her to dry dock. In May, 1942, fixed up enough to sail, the West Virginia left for a major overhaul on the West Coast.

West Virginia leaving Pearl Harbor for reconstruction. Robert F. Walden Collection - Hawaii War Records Depository - University of Hawaii Archives

It was not until July 1944 that she finally rejoined the fleet, just in time for the Battle of Leyte Gulf. When the West Virginia returned, she was a much better ship. She had no visible funnels, a sleeker superstructure, and bristled with heavy antiaircraft guns. Most importantly for the coming battle, the long delay in upgrading her meant that she had the Navy’s newest Mark 8 fire control radar system plus additional radar to spot aircraft. She would be able to fire on the advancing Japanese forces long before they could see her. Her only real limitation was that she was still slow, limited to about 20 knots. She would not be able to keep up with carrier task forces, but for bombarding beach heads or sitting in ambush, this was no hindrance at all.

West Virginia after Reconstruction, 1944. U.S. Naval Historical Center Photograph # 19-N-68376 Note the radar installations at the top.

The first Japanese force to enter the strait was Adm. Nishimura Shoji’s two battleships, one cruiser, and four destroyers. Even in a traditional battle, the Americans would have had a strong advantage with their six battleships and several cruisers. By this time in the war, the U.S. fleet was far larger than the Japanese fleet. Crossing the Japanese T would merely add to the slaughter.

Long before the Japanese came into range of the battleships, 39 Patrol Torpedo boats harassed them with torpedo runs. They did no damage, but they gave Adm. Jessie Oldendorf a constant picture of the Japanese advance. As Nishimura got closer to the mouth of the strait, Oldendorf unleashed 28 destroyers to attack with torpedoes. The destroyers launched up to ten torpedoes apiece into the approaching Japanese force. In contrast to the PT boat attacks, the destroyer attacks were deadly. Torpedoes from the little tin cans blew the battleship Fusō in half, sunk two destroyers, and left the destroyer Asagumo behind with damage. Almost half of Nishimura’s force was gone before he neared the mouth of the strait and the Pearl Harbor greeters waiting to welcome them.

Although the U.S. welcoming committee was extremely potent, it had one limitation. The navy had provisioned the battleships for shore bombardment to support MacArthur’s landings at Leyte. Consequently, 75 percent of their shells were high capacity shells useless against battleships. The big battle wagons would only fire a limited number of broadsides to conserve their armor piercing (AP) shells.

Finally, the surviving Japanese ships neared the mouth of the straight. The battleships held their fire, waiting for the Japanese ships to steam closer. The West Virginia recorded the fatal minutes of the bombardment in her log.

• At 0208, the West Virginia could see shell fire from the approaching Japanese fleet.
• At 0304, the enemy appeared on the ship’s long-range SG-1 radar systems designed to track aircraft.
• At 0332, admiral Oldendorf cleared the battleships to fire.
• At 0333, the West Virginia got a firing solution with her Mark 8 fire control radar at 30,000 yards. (She had actually seen the approaching fleet at 44,000 yards.) Her target throughout the bombardment would be the Japanese battleship Yamashiro.
• Her radar could pick out individual ships of both the first Japanese force and the second force steaming far behind it. She could also see individual U.S. destroyers attacking the Japanese forces.
• She waited until 0352, with the Japanese 22,800 yards away. The delay had been necessary to ensure that she would not be firing on U.S. ships. Finally, the “Wee Vee” fired her first eight-gun broadside of 16 inch armor piercing shells. She scored immediate hits with this first salvo of 2,400 pound shells.
• At 0354, she saw the battleship illuminated by fire during the sixth salvo.
• Overall, she sent 16 broadsides. The first 13 took place at an average of every 41 seconds. In all, she fired 89 AP shells and 4 high capacity shells. The HC rounds were used because of an inability to get AP shells to guns a few times.
• During the second or third broadside, California and Tennessee, which also had the Mark 8 radar, begin to add their 14 inch guns to the carnage, firing a total of 139 shells.
• The Maryland, with an older Mark 4 radar fire control system, fired at the water spouts kicked up by the shells of other ships. California and Mississippi decided to conserve their shells. Pennsylvania did not fire at all, and Mississippi only fired a single salvo.
• Cruisers with 6 inch and 8 inch guns positioned to the south of the battleships added their fire.
• At 0402, the West Virginia and other heavies ceased fire to conserve their AP shells. At this point, the West Virginia only had 110 AP shells left.
• At 4:11, the radar blip that had been the Yamashiro bloomed and then faded.
• At 4:12, the radar blip vanished.

The visual effect was astounding, Captain Smoot, commanding the destroyer Newcomb, said that the arcs of fire looked like the tail lights of cars crossing the Brooklyn Bridge.

Their barrages quickly sunk the remaining Japanese battleship, Yamashiro, and devastated the heavy cruiser Mogami. The only Japanese ship to avoid serious damage was the destroyer Shigure, which had immediately reversed course and steamed away while the big guns focused on the battleship and cruiser. The Mogami, although massively damaged, was able to limp slowly to the south. When the second Japanese force began to approach the mouth of the strait with two heavy cruisers, one light cruiser, and four destroyers, its admiral witnessed the burning destruction in the water and immediately turned around to avoid the guns of the American fleet. The threat from Japan through the Surigao Strait was ended. The next day, aircraft sunk the Mogami, and destroyers and cruisers finished off the destroyer Asagumo. Only the Shigure survived the passage through the strait.

Although the Pearl Harbor battleships had taken their revenge, they did relatively little of the total damage. The destroyers had heavily reduced the first Japanese force before the battleships ever fired a shot. When the behemoths finally ended their barrages, they only sunk one Japanese battleship and fatally wounded one Japanese cruiser. However, the goal of the battleships had been to keep the Japanese from advancing through the strait to attack MacArthur’s landing force, and even if the destroyers had not reduce the Japanese force, the battleships would still have stopped it. The battleships had decisively done their job.

Although no one knew it at the time, this was the last time in history that battleships would face one another in combat. Even by this time, battleships were mostly used for land bombardment if they were too slow to keep up with the carrier fleet. More modern and faster battleships were mostly used to provide antiaircraft fire to protect the flat tops. Still, the massive wall of cannon shells shot at the enemy during this final battle was a dramatic way to mark the passing of the battleship as the fleet’s capital ship.

One other battleship survived the Pearl Harbor attack. During the Japanese attack, the Nevada made a run for the open sea but was ordered to beach herself when she was attacked by a hornet’s nest of dive bombers and began to sink. She was also repaired and returned to combat. However, she was sent to the Atlantic. In June 1944, her long 14 inch guns supported the Normandy invasion by savaging German troop formations as much as 17 miles behind the invasion force.

Sources

Wiley, H. V., Commanding Officer, West Virginia, Action in Battle of Surigao Straits 25 October 1944 U.S. West Virginia—Report of, 1 November 1944. Available at http://www.ibiblio.org/hyperwar/USN/ships/logs/BB/bb48-Surigao.html. (Last visited February 2, 2011). Transcribed and formatted in HTML by Patrick Clancey, HyperWar Foundation.

Cutler, Thomas J., The Battle of Leyte Gulf 23-26 October 1944, Naval Institute Press, Annapolis Maryland, 1994.